China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the Middle Corridor

Tashkent, Uzbekistan (UzDaily.com) — China’s Belt and Road Initiative stands out as a goal to integrate all regions of the country into the global expansion process according to the geographical and economic advantages it possesses. This initiative of China also reflects its effort to obtain a central position in both land and maritime trade routes by strengthening economic interaction and connectivity between the eastern, western, central, and coastal regions. In this way, China aims to balance regional development, promote the outward orientation of all its regions, and consolidate its position by elevating the country to a global leadership role in international trade, logistics, and industrial cooperation.

Moreover, when the Belt and Road Initiative is evaluated in the context of Central Asia from China’s perspective, this initiative emerges as a reflection of China’s efforts to maximize its economic, cultural, and strategic relations with the countries of Central Asia (Türkistan). In this process, China seeks to fill the gap created by Russia’s weakening position in the region and to establish a sphere of power and influence with itself at the center.

On the other hand, when the Belt and Road Initiative is considered from the perspective of the Central Asian countries, it is foreseen that the development of transportation networks in the region will strengthen commercial and cultural relations among the regional countries and provide their economies with uninterrupted connectivity reaching Europe. Additionally, new trade routes passing through Central Asia will increase the strategic importance of the relevant countries. In this context, infrastructure works to be carried out, especially in the transportation sector, will also contribute to solving structural problems in infrastructure and transportation in the Central Asian countries.

Alongside all this, it is observed that China has strong trade and investment relations with the ten countries that make up the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). China’s advantage as the region’s largest trading partner stems from the strength of its historical, geographical, and economic ties. On the other hand, the United States largely develops its relations in the region as a balancing element against China’s influence and aims to increase economic, security, and diplomatic cooperation with the ASEAN countries. This situation can be regarded not merely as traditional trade competition, but as multi-dimensional layers of interaction that operate through geopolitical influence, security alliances, and economic dependency, which will shape the region’s future. Meanwhile, the ASEAN countries, within this competition, adopt a pragmatic approach and strive to maintain balanced relations with different major powers, primarily the United States and China.

In this context, another objective of China in its trade routes appears as further widening the gap by increasing its competitive power against the United States much more in its economic relations with ASEAN countries through opening all its regions to international trade.

In the Belt and Road route, China’s strategy to develop trade routes to the ASEAN countries can be evaluated along two main arteries. The first of these is the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, operating through the South China Sea. As a land connection supporting this route, projects supported by other corridors through the China–Laos Railway are also encountered. The purpose of this multi-layered transportation network is to accelerate trade between China and the ASEAN countries and deepen regional integration. Therefore, the ASEAN countries emerge as a natural and strategic extension of the Belt and Road Initiative.

When it comes to the vision of trade corridors from China to Europe, developed specifically in Central Asia under the Belt and Road Initiative, it is observed that these corridors have gained significant diversification and new momentum as a result of political and security-related tensions between Russia and Europe. The tensions between Russia and the European Union (EU) reached their peak due to pressures on opponents in Russia, the annexation of Crimea by Russia, and ultimately the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Following these developments, comprehensive sanctions packages were imposed on Russia by Western countries.

These sanctions have increased the strategic importance of alternative transportation and trade routes from China to Europe; in this context, interest in the route also known as the Trans-Caspian route, referred to as the “Middle Corridor,” has significantly risen. When examining the routes from China to Europe, there are different lines, namely the Northern Corridor, the Middle Corridor, and the Southern Corridor; the importance of these lines, as mentioned above, increases or decreases periodically depending on economic, security, and political conditions.

In this context, when examining the route of the Middle Corridor, whose strategic importance is increasingly rising under current conditions, two main routes stand out. The first of these is the China–Kazakhstan (via the Caspian Sea) – Azerbaijan–Georgia / Armenia–Türkiye (by land and sea) – European Union line. The second route is the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan–Turkmenistan (via the Caspian Sea) – Azerbaijan–Georgia / Armenia– Türkiye –European Union route.

When evaluating the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan route, it is observed that this line functions as a main artery feeding both the Middle Corridor and the Southern Corridor. Within this framework, China assigns special importance to this route and is making intense efforts to ensure the project’s rapid completion.

For example, the construction of the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan Railway Project officially began on December 27, 2024. Subsequently, on June 30, 2025, a meeting was held under the chairmanship of Bakyt Torobaev, Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic and Minister of Water Resources, Agriculture, and Food Industry, with the participation of representatives from relevant state institutions in Kyrgyzstan, local administrations, and publicly-owned enterprises. During the meeting, it was officially announced that extensive construction work along the entire China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan international railway line had commenced.

Minister Torobaev, recalling that the groundbreaking ceremony for the construction of the key infrastructure facilities of the railway was held on April 29, 2025, stated that the project is not only a step to develop transportation infrastructure but also a multifaceted initiative promoting economic growth, enhancing quality of life, and strengthening integration in the region. He emphasized that the section passing through Kyrgyzstan’s territory will exceed 304 kilometers and estimated the total cost of the project at approximately 4.7 billion U.S. dollars. He also explained that about 40% of the railway line will consist of tunnels and bridges, and accordingly, the construction of 27 tunnels and 41 bridges is planned. Furthermore, he indicated that the entire project is targeted for completion by the year 2030.

Significant developments have recently taken place along the other route of the Middle Corridor, the China–Kazakhstan–Azerbaijan–Georgia / Armenia–Turkey line, and notable steps have been taken in this regard. Within this framework, prior to his working visit to Kazakhstan, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev stated in an interview with Kazakhstan’s Kazinform News Agency that the “2022–2027 Roadmap” for the development and operation of the Middle Corridor passing through the territories of Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan was signed in 2022 in Aktau.

Additionally, on October 21, 2025, the “Development of the Middle Corridor” (Trans-Caspian International Transport Route) project was presented to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, providing the leaders of both countries with detailed information about the project. The briefing emphasized that the Middle Corridor, a major transport-logistics route connecting China and Central Asian countries to European states, plays a strategic role in strengthening regional and intercontinental trade. Furthermore, it was noted that the volume of shipments from China to Azerbaijan has been steadily increasing and is projected to triple by 2030 compared to current levels, highlighting the project’s growing significance in the region.

During his working visit to Kazakhstan on October 21, 2025, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev also announced that Azerbaijan had lifted all cargo transit restrictions to Armenia and indicated that the first shipment of Kazakh grain sent via Azerbaijan to Armenia had been dispatched. The spokesperson for Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan described Aliyev’s step as “a significant measure for opening regional communication lines, strengthening mutual trust, and institutionalizing the peace established between Azerbaijan and Armenia.”

At the 5th Tbilisi Silk Road Forum held in Georgia on October 22, 2025, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced that pipelines and power lines would be established along the routes passing through Armenia connecting Azerbaijan–Nakhchivan and Azerbaijan–Armenia–Turkey. He emphasized the necessity of achieving peace and stated that efforts to open the border with Turkey are continuing. Considering recent developments, it is observed that the opening of the Zangezur Corridor as a result of a permanent peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan will further enhance the strategic importance of the Middle Corridor. In this context, the two main carriers of the Middle Corridor—the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan–Turkmenistan–Azerbaijan line and the China–Kazakhstan–Caspian–Azerbaijan line—are not seen as competitors but rather as complementary to each other.

Conclusion

Achieving lasting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and consequently opening the Zangezur Corridor, reveals the potential to enhance the functionality of the Middle Corridor and strengthen regional integration. In this context, Azerbaijan’s removal of transit cargo restrictions to Armenia is interpreted as one of the first tangible outcomes of permanent peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Furthermore, the two main routes of the Middle Corridor, being implemented within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, emerge as complementary lines that create synergy economically, logistically, and strategically. These routes lead the development of trade and transportation infrastructure in the Turkic States of Central Asia, increase economic mobility, and strengthen regional cooperation. At this stage, it is not possible to view these routes as competitors. On the contrary, the diversity of these routes enriches the culture of cooperation among the Turkic States. In this context, it is observed that the Turkic states and the regional states organize working visits to each other at the level of heads of state and that mutual problems are resolved within the cooperation mechanism. Likewise, the Turkic States address their mutual issues through consultation and directly at the presidential level, while shaping regional trade developments within a framework of fraternal law.

In this regard, the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) emerges as an effective mechanism that institutionalizes this cooperation. Issues inherited from the Soviet era, such as borders and water disputes among the Turkic States, have been resolved rapidly through mutual understanding and trust within the OTS consultation mechanism at the presidential level. From this perspective, it can be seen that the Turkic States approach projects in Central Asia not as competitors but as collaborators, enhancing the tangible outcomes of projects through cooperative solidarity.

Additionally, the recently introduced “Organization of Turkic States + format” by the OTS is expected to provide positive momentum to the region’s economic and strategic importance, with the participation other states and organizations capable of cooperating with the OTS.

Ahmet Sağlam

The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of UzDaily.